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‘Party Space’ and the Architecture of Obedience: 
Landscapes under Sovereign Will and the Voices that Return

 
George  J. Ge
Jun 2025






Introduction -  What is a Party-Space?

It was a summer morning in Beijing. I was six. My father held my hand as we stepped onto the vast, tiled expanse of Tiananmen Square for the national flag-raising ceremony. The sky was pale blue, sunless—flat like a theatre backdrop. The People’s Liberation Army marched toward the centre of the square, mighty and overwhelming. I remember the smell of concrete baking in the heat, the solemn air around the flagpole, and the giant portrait of Mao watching us like a relic cast in permanence. The national anthem began. People took photographs. Soldiers stood motionless. Pigeons flew in tight ellipses.

I was told this place was the “heart of the people.”

Back then, I believed. But gradually, I began to wonder: whose heart beats in unison with state drums?

To stand in a “party-space” is to enter a script already written. The ground beneath your feet is not neutral—it is charged, designed to choreograph feeling, compliance, reverence. You feel insignificant, small, and watched over. A party-space is not simply a square, an avenue, or a palace. It is a theatre built for ideology, scaled for intimidation, and staged for the myth of permanence. It is where architecture and nationhood collapse into spectacle.

Across time and geography, authoritarian regimes have mastered this spatial grammar. From the imperial axis of Speer’s Berlin to the haunting grid of Pyongyang, from Mussolini’s EUR to the spectral symmetry of Xiong’an—these are spaces that do not grow; they are imposed. They do not evolve; they declare. They are not homes for people, but monuments to power.

This essay is an atlas of such geographies—an attempt to map, critique, and deconstruct the architecture of political myth. We begin in Tiananmen, the archetype of Chinese party-space, where a socialist utopia was once paved over imperial form, only to witness its own rupture in the fires of 1989. We move to Xiong’an, a more recent city born not from urban life but from bureaucratic imagination—where the emperor has not died, yet the mausoleum is already under construction.

Then, we look outward: to Bucharest’s People’s Palace, Washington’s Capitol Hill, Paris’s Champs-Élysées, and the symbolic violence embedded in all these orchestrated forms. Spaces where power performs—and sometimes fails. Spaces that seem immovable, yet are always on the brink of being rewritten—not by architects, but by bodies, by memory, by revolt.

What, then, is the afterlife of a party-space? When the theatre crumbles, can the plaza return to the people?





Chapter I – Tiananmen and the Spatial Politics of China’s Party-State



At the centre of the Chinese capital lies not a marketplace, nor a garden, but a square—one of the largest in the world. Tiananmen Square is not a civic space in the democratic sense; it is a stage set for state theatre, rehearsed daily beneath the gaze of portraits and patrols.

Its geometry is surgical: a rectangle too vast for conversation, too open for comfort. The scale is not human but imperial, resurrected in socialist costume. Yet this theatre was not always so. The site once belonged to a different order—a civic parade ground in the Ming and Qing dynasties, tethered to the Forbidden City. There, ritual and imperial authority played out in seasonal festivals and bureaucratic ceremonies. After 1949, however, the Communist Party inherited this sacred axis and repurposed it. What once symbolised dynastic continuity became a tableau of proletarian glory. Temples gave way to auditoriums. Drums of war turned into speakers of propaganda.

But the square never truly belonged to the people.

Its architectural grammar reveals the truth it tries to conceal. The square itself stretches over 440,000 square metres—vast enough to swallow thought. The central axis, inherited from imperial planning, extends in an almost cosmic line, calibrated not for urban life but for processions, for inspections, for sovereignty in motion.

At its heart stands the Monument to the People’s Heroes, a monolith of marble and granite over 37 metres tall. To the west rises the Great Hall of the People, with its endless forest of columns—each over 25 metres high—dwarfing the human figure, demanding reverence through proportion alone. The symmetry is punishing. The void is absolute.

Even the naming is an instrument of illusion. The “Great Hall of the People” is not a place one may casually enter. It is shielded by guards, barricades, and protocol. The “People’s” square is patrolled by armed police. The “Heroic” monument is fenced and watched. CCTV cameras perch on poles like ravens, scanning for dissent. Every element proclaims inclusion, while architecturally enforcing exclusion.

It is a city of facades—an empire of signs. There is no dialogue in stone, only declaration. Every building speaks in capitals.

In 2009, the sixtieth anniversary of the People’s Republic, I was sixteen. As a high school student in Beijing’s Dongcheng District, I was selected to participate in the National Day parade. Or rather, we were not part of the parade that marched past Tiananmen to be inspected by the leaders—we were the backdrop. Each of us received a set of fordable plastic colour swatches. We were human pixels.

All summer, we rehearsed. Not the kind of rehearsal that cultivates passion or pride, but a mechanical, sleep-depriving, monotonous drill. Each session began before dawn and ended after sunrise. On the first of October, we were summoned at four in the morning. The square, grand and glowing, was already filled with tens of thousands of people. We stood shoulder to shoulder, aligned in perfect horizontal and vertical grids. When the screen lit up, we flipped red, yellow, or green in synchrony. The leader spoke, the crowd applauded, and that was it.

I didn’t feel the square belonged to me. I was not celebrating the nation—I was swallowed by it. Dominated by the stage. Rendered insignificant by the scale.

Even in its most “public” moments—mass parades, National Day rallies, or school trips like mine—it served to reinforce a single truth: the state was eternal, and the individual was a pixel in its mural. The uniformity of space mirrored the uniformity of ideology. There were no corners, no shelters, no subversions—only surveillance made spatial.

No matter how diligently the Chinese government tries to erase the past, as the saying goes, paper cannot wrap fire. I first learned about the summer of 1989 during my university years. It was not a glorious page in China’s history.

For the first time in its modern history, Tiananmen became something else: a site of disorder, hope, grief, resistance. Students camped where parades once marched. Loudspeakers no longer broadcast commands, but demands. Hunger strikes replaced slogans. A papier-mâché Goddess of Democracy stood facing Mao—not in reverence, but in rebuttal.

In retrospect, what was wrong with the students’ demands? They only wished for a nation a little more democratic, a little more free—a modest dream of a gentler future. 

But what came after the students was not dialogue, but tanks - glitch in the choreography has to be purged.

What followed was not just a massacre, but a spatial reset. Blood washed the stone clean. Bodies were removed. The square returned to silence, more haunted than before. Cameras multiplied. Monuments hardened.

And yet, for those who remember, Tiananmen will never be just a square again. It is a palimpsest. A wound hidden in plain sight. A monument not to permanence, but to what slipped through it.






Chapter II – Xiong’an: A City for One Man

It is difficult to write about a city that exists in form, but not in life.

Xiong’an, announced in 2017 by Xi Jinping as “a millennium plan of national significance,” is not the product of urban evolution, but of political revelation. Most cities emerge from necessity—harbours for merchants, citadels for defence, or riverbanks for sustenance.

Xiong’an, however, begins with abstraction. Its origin lies not in the footsteps of migration or the logic of trade, but in a top-down algorithm of control. It is a city imagined by policy, assembled by decree, and flattened by symbolism before a single brick was laid. This rupture from the evolutionary DNA of cities reveals its core character: not a city that grows, but one that asserts. A tabula rasa soaked in purpose. A city built to enshrine the will of one man. A man who abolished term limits, and crowned himself emperor for life.

Situated some 100 km southwest of Beijing in Hebei Province, the Xiong’an New Area spans over 2,000 km², encompassing the counties of Xiongxian, Rongcheng, and Anxin. Its centrepiece is Baiyangdian Lake, historically a wetland ecosystem now reframed as ecological ornament in glossy renders. The Baiyangdian Lake, long known as the “Kidney of North China,” once supported thousands of fisherfolk and farmers whose livelihoods were woven within the rhythm of wetlands. Folktales, dialects, boat traditions—entire cultural microcosms flourished on its banks. 

In today’s renderings, however, the lake is abstracted into a turquoise ellipse, framed by mirrored towers and algorithmic parks. Nature becomes ornament. History becomes disruption. Culture becomes residue.

It is often described in slogans: innovation hub, green utopia, digital pioneer, backup capital. In the Party’s modern mythos, each paramount leader leaves behind a territorial signature: Mao had Tiananmen, Deng drew a circle that became Shenzhen, and Jiang’s push transformed Pudong into skyline and finance. Xiong’an, then, emerges as Xi’s inscription—not through market force or urban logic, but sovereign will. It is not a response to opportunity, but a desire to mirror legacy. To etch a name into the land through decree. 

But beneath these glowing labels lies a more ancient architectural impulse—to enshrine power through space. A capital without a crown. A city without citizens. A mausoleum still under construction for a leader not yet gone.

The design of Xiong’an is meticulous, mathematical. Its masterplans are drawn with cosmic precision, as if the alignment of lakes and towers could summon legitimacy. Canals are carved like calligraphy. Roads unfurl in grids of symbolic geometry. The city’s centre, like Tiananmen, is governed by axis—the spatial metaphor of control. In renders, towers gleam, trees align, data flows. And yet, it feels airless. Too perfect to breathe.

Xiong’an is not just designed—it is performed.
The city’s identity is sculpted more through images than inhabitants: looping drone videos, CGIs of “smart governance,” and sterile renderings of public squares void of public life. In this regime of visibility, aesthetics is not for joy, but for compliance. The city becomes a spectacle to be admired from afar, rather a habitat to be lived in.
As Guy Debord once noted, spectacle is not a collection of images, but a social relationship mediated by images. In Xiong’an, the relationship is vertical, not communal.

What makes Xiong’an uncanny is its disregard for memory. It is not built on ruins, but on erasure.

In 2015, at the age of twenty-three, I was an intern at the China Architectural Design and Research Group. One afternoon, my supervisor quietly assigned me to a new team, describing it as a political task of utmost importance. We later learned it was a feasibility analysis for what would soon be announced as the Xiong’an New Area.

I remember opening the GIS map of the Baiyangdian region—lush wetlands intertwined with waterways, dotted with quiet villages. The lead architect hovered over the satellite image, pen in hand, sketching out rough outlines of the new civic square. I hesitated, then asked, “But what about the people in those villages?”

“They will be relocated by the government,” he replied, as if stating a weather forecast.

Relocated. Such a clean word. Behind it, generations uprooted. Graves moved. Histories erased.

That evening, I sat at my desk, modelled the day’s sketch in Sketchup and traced the lines in AutoCAD, unable to erase the face of the elderly villager I imagined walking past that soon-to-be boulevard. No one in the room spoke of compensation, or culture, or memory. It was just lines and targets, deadlines, and the rhetoric of the nation. 

I remember wondering, as a young architecture student, whether the purpose of architecture was still to build for life—or merely for narrative.

Keller Easterling calls such places infrastructure space—urban forms that function not as environments, but as policy objects. They do not grow; they operate. Xiong’an is not merely a city by the will of one man, but a dashboard—something to be managed, observed, optimised. A live model for the governing mind.

As of April 2025, the development has seen cumulative investment of some ¥906.3 billion—over US $125 billion—across nearly 380 key projects, covering around 202 km². Earlier figures from 2022–24 cited ¥400 billion by September 2022, growing to ¥670 billion across 383 projects. A recent wave of 70 new flagship projects alone accounted for ¥53.7 billion. Fixed asset investment in Xiong’an has now breached ¥5.26 trillion.

And yet, no meaningful public consultation ever took place.

This city, touted as a “backup capital,” is being built with astronomical state funds at a time when China faces severe economic headwinds—slowing growth, ballooning local debt, and a faltering real estate sector. If Xiong’an is meant to be for the people, why were the people not asked? Why were rural communities erased, landscapes transformed—without consent, without voice, without mourning?

In 2023, when the heaviest rains in decades swept through the Beijing–Tianjin–Hebei region, priorities were made clear in official statements: “Protect Beijing. Protect Xiong’an. Protect the grand plan.” And so the map was redrawn by floodwaters. Villages in Baoding, farmlands in Zhuozhou, towns along the Baiyangdian basin—became involuntary reservoirs. Evacuation warnings came late. Compensation was uncertain. Some called it a sacrifice for the future. But whose future?

A city unborn was protected. A city that remembers was drowned.

By 2025, the myth of speculative glory has imploded. Once-hyped property prices, inflated by propaganda and frenzy, have collapsed by nearly half. Speculators who paid top yuan in hopes of a Shenzhen-style boom now face ghost blocks propped up by slogans, not tenants. New campuses—like the Beijing University of Technology Xiong’an Campus—are wrapped in banners, but seemingly waiting for students who never arrived. Offices remain unfurnished. Shopping malls sit empty. A high-speed railway station, larger than 66 football fields, gleams with glass and solar panels—yet feels more like a shrine than a terminal. A theatre before the actors arrive.

One cannot help but ask: who is this city for?

It claims to be for the future, for the people, for the nation. But so far, it resembles less a home than a monument. A city whose purpose is not to shelter life, but to immortalise command.

The emperor has built himself a city.
But the people have not come.
Not yet. Perhaps not ever.






Chapter III – Global Templates of Authoritarian Space
It was a dry, cloudless afternoon in Bucharest. I stood at the foot of the People’s Palace—its steps bleached white under the summer sun, its façade unblinking, unmoved. Before me stretched a boulevard so wide, it swallowed even the sound of cars. No birds. No breeze. Just a long, windless corridor of marble and void.

I took a photograph.

But the building refused to be captured. No lens could encompass its weight, not just in mass, but in meaning. It was not architecture; it was proclamation. A silent sermon carved in stone.

I remember thinking: how many regimes have tried to eternalise themselves through symmetry? Through size? Through silence?
And how many have failed—leaving behind only shadows too large to live in?



Section I: The Spatial Grammar of Power  "Monumental space always expresses a consensus; or at least it gives that impression. It serves to impose that consensus."
— Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space

Across continents and ideologies, authoritarian regimes have spoken a shared architectural tongue.
Despite their differing flags and doctrines, the buildings they raise often share the same posture: grand, symmetrical, raised on podiums of stone. Theirs is a grammar of permanence—composed not of bricks and beams, but of axis, scale, and emptiness.

This grammar does not invite; it commands.
It does not ask to be understood; it insists on being obeyed.

At its centre lies the axis—a linear fiction, drawn with surgical precision. It stretches not for pedestrians, but for parades. Not for leisure, but for spectacle. These axes, like the one piercing Berlin’s North-South plan or Pyongyang’s endless May Day route, choreograph more than traffic—they orchestrate obedience. They align bodies with ideology, movement with hierarchy, direction with desire.

The second element is stone—marble, granite, travertine—materials chosen not for sustainability or context, but for their timelessness, their weight. Stone monumentalises myth. It whispers: This has always been, and will always be. It resists decay, just as these regimes dream of resisting change. In Speer’s “Theory of Ruin Value,” architecture was to be built not only for the present, but to ensure its ruins would impress the future.

The third element is silence—not the contemplative hush of a cloister, but the staged emptiness of authoritarian voids. These spaces are too large for gathering, too symmetrical for spontaneity. They erase the unexpected. Public squares become ceremonial shells, drained of dialogue, saturated with surveillance. In such landscapes, the absence of life is not failure—it is intention. A monument is never interrupted.

Together, axis, stone, and silence form the spatial trinity of authoritarianism. A language learned not in studios, but in ministries. These elements combine to produce space-as-script—a mise-en-scène where architecture no longer shelters life but performs ideology.

What we encounter in Berlin’s Germania plan, in Mussolini’s EUR, in the People’s Palace, and in Pyongyang’s flawless symmetry is not merely architecture—but choreographed domination.
These are not spaces for people. They are spaces about power.



Section II - Templates of Domination Stone, Axis, and Empire in the Architectural Dreams of Power

Walk down the axis of a dictator’s dream, and you will find not cities—but theatres.
Not homes—but declarations.
Not people—but shadows, cast by stone too heavy to move.

In Berlin, Albert Speer envisioned a capital reborn—Welthauptstadt Germania, the World Capital. At its heart lay a boulevard so wide it would dwarf the Champs-Élysées, terminating in a Volkshalle—a domed hallucination larger than St. Peter’s, meant to host 180,000 souls beneath its coffered vault. But it was never meant to be a space for souls. The scale was for command. The architecture spoke the Reich’s intention: to outlast memory, to fossilise obedience in travertine and granite. Here, symmetry did not represent harmony—it imposed alignment. There would be no place to loiter, no corner to dissent. The space itself was already marching.

In Rome, Mussolini resurrected the Empire not through conquest, but through concrete. The EUR district—Esposizione Universale Roma—was an architectural hallucination of imperial eternity. Its buildings are stripped classicism: arches without citizens, colonnades without dialogue, geometry without joy. The famed Square Colosseum—white, cubic, and punctuated with six rows of symmetrical arches—offered a perfect Instagram backdrop nearly a century before Instagram existed. And yet, its perfection is sterile. The city’s fascist modernism was a fantasy of order—a denial of the chaotic, the diverse, the democratic. It did not seek to house life, but to sculpt obedience into a skyline.

In Bucharest, Nicolae Ceaușescu built not a district, but a continent of stone. The Palace of the Parliament—larger than the Pentagon, heavier than belief—sits atop a razed neighbourhood. Entire streets were demolished, cemeteries uprooted, churches relocated or destroyed. I remember standing before its steps, watching the wind refuse to blow. The boulevard leading to it—modelled on Paris but made wider—was a corridor of vacancy. The building loomed not as government, but as ghost. A monument to a vanished ego. A stage that outlived its actor. Even in abandonment, the palace still disciplines space. You do not walk casually near it. You pass as if under watch.

And then, Pyongyang—the final synthesis.
Here, all the spatial motifs converge: monumental axis, mausoleum symmetry, ceremonial void. From the Kumsusan Palace of the Sun to Kim Il-sung Square, architecture performs eternal choreography. Streets are wide enough for tanks. Plazas await their next military ballet. Nothing seems accidental. Even trees stand in grid formation. It is not a city—it is a stage set in concrete, a monument frozen in performance. No balconies for lovers, no benches for pause, no corner for dissent. In Pyongyang, not even shadows are permitted to wander.

Across these cities—despite language, ideology, and geography—we see a shared aesthetic: the dehumanisation of space through scale and stone. These are not failures of design. They are its triumphs, measured not in joy or use, but in obedience and awe.

Axis is alignment.
Stone is eternity.

Silence is ordered.

To walk through them is to walk through a script—a performance written long before you arrived.
You are not the audience.
You are the extra.



Section III - Theory and Echo Authoritarian architecture does not simply reflect power—it performs it.
And space, as Lefebvre reminds us, is not a void waiting to be filled—it is a product of social relations, scripted, coded, rehearsed. The axis, the colonnade, the centralised plan—these are not neutral design gestures; they are part of a spatial vocabulary of control. In the party-space, nothing is arbitrary. To walk is to comply. To hesitate is to deviate.

Michel Foucault, too, might remind us that power does not only reside in institutions, but in the microphysics of space—in visibility, in arrangement, in rhythm. Surveillance is not always a camera. Sometimes, it is the open square with no shelter. The long corridor with no bench. The monument whose shadow crosses you without permission.
In authoritarian geographies, space disciplines without touch.

Kenneth Frampton, in his reflections on critical regionalism, once called for architecture to resist “the universal megastructures of capitalism.” But here, the megastructure is not commercial—it is political. The palace, the parade ground, the axis boulevard—they compose a metaphysical infrastructure, one that wants to be remembered, not used. For Frampton, materiality should connect architecture to the tactile, the lived. Yet these structures use materiality to sever. Stone is not intimacy—it is distance.

And in the shadows, perhaps it is Walter Benjamin who lingers the longest.
In his Arcades Project, he described cities as texts, palimpsests of memory and forgetting. But what happens when a city refuses to be written over? When its inscriptions are carved in authoritarian stone? Benjamin believed in the fragment—in the ruin as a place where history leaks, where memory resists closure. And so perhaps the only resistance these monuments permit is in their afterlife. When their meanings crumble. When their axis points nowhere. When the echo overtakes the script.

I have walked these spaces. Not as a tourist, nor as a believer.
But as an architect who once thought stone could tell the truth.

I remember pacing the EUR in Rome, under a sky too blue, among buildings too white.
I remember walking toward the People’s Palace in Bucharest, feeling myself shrink—my shadow lengthened by a building that refused eye contact.
I remember tracing the plan of Pyongyang on a map, realising that even its parks were military formations.
And in all of them, I listened. Not for speeches. But for what the space was trying not to say.

These spaces do not lie in words.
They lie in proportions. In rhythms. In what they exclude.
They lie by making truth impossible to speak.

And yet, if I paused—truly paused—I could hear something beneath the silence.
A cough. A bird. A wind too bold for symmetry. A shoe scuffing stone that was not meant to be touched.

That, perhaps, is the echo.
That, perhaps, is where the reversal begins.




Chapter IV – Theatres that Crack: Reversal, Occupation, and the Return of Voice
When architecture breaks its silence, who speaks?

Section I - The Occupied Capitol It was a strange inversion. The world watched as the Capitol of the United States, once guarded by myth and marble, was stormed by its own citizens.
On January 6, 2021, the axis cracked—not by bombs, but by bodies in hoodies and flags.

The scene was obscene not because of its violence alone, but because of its reversal of spatial choreography.
This was not how the script was meant to be read. The sanctified steps were designed for speeches, inaugurations, wreath-layings—not selfies on senators’ desks.

But this was the truth revealed: no space is eternally sacred. No stone immune to breach.
Even the most rehearsed spatial theatre can glitch—when belief collapses, and power hesitates.

The Capitol, like Tiananmen before it, was built to project consensus.
What we saw was discord embodied.
For a moment, space belonged not to law, but to volume.



Section II. The Crushed Squares Some squares are not entered—they are flattened.

In 1989, tanks reclaimed Tiananmen for silence.
The glitch in choreography was corrected by steel.
Space reset. Blood buried.
But memory, as always, resists burial.

In Turkey’s Taksim Square, the 2013 Gezi Park protests began over trees—green as metaphor, then green as resistance.
Urban planning became political theatre.
Tear gas was the architect.
Barricades became walls.

And in Hong Kong, the LegCo building—once quiet, symbolic, sealed—was shattered by students on July 1, 2019.
Glass broke. Graffiti surfaced.
The word “光复香港 时代革命”— Liberate Hong Kong, revolution of our times—was sprayed across the walls of a state that had long forgotten them.

To occupy is to speak.
To break is to be heard.



Section III. Graffiti on Memory What happens when monuments lie?
When bronze generals are cast in triumph, but silence their crimes?

In the summer of 2020, after the death of George Floyd, statues across America and Europe were painted, pulled, drowned.
Colston was thrown into the harbour.
Churchill wore a mask of red paint.
Even in Paris, Voltaire found chalk on his pedestal: “Your silence is complicity.”

These gestures were revisions.
They asked: Whose history is this?
Whose body is buried beneath this plaza?

The pedestal, once a place of elevation, became a site of confrontation.

Stone did not speak.
So people made it speak.



Section IV. Toward a Reversible MonumentalismIf architecture can script obedience, can it also unlearn it?

Henri Lefebvre argued for the right to the city—the right not just to inhabit, but to reclaim, reshape, rename.
Hannah Arendt reminded us that public space is not for presence, but for action.
Richard Sennett dreamt of a porous city, where edges are not walls but invitations.

And perhaps we, too, must imagine a new kind of monumentalism:
One that is reversible.
One that remembers, but does not entrench.
A plaza that allows its stones to be walked on, drawn over, danced upon—not just gazed at.
A monument that can be covered in flowers, or in protest.
A square that folds when needed.
A stage that yields.

Not all architecture needs to whisper eternity.
Some need only offer a pause.
A bench.
A breath.
A place where truth is not carved, but spoken—again and again.






Coda – The Softest Stone



When I first stood in Tiananmen Square as a child,
I thought space was permanent.
That stone would always mean authority.
That the axis always pointed forward.
That silence was part of design.

Years passed. I studied architecture. I walked cities. I stood before plazas and palaces, in capital after capital, where emptiness had been choreographed into reverence. Where the ground felt too flat to question, and the sky too wide to hear reply.

But then I heard it—faintly at first.
In a whisper under the arches of EUR.
In a breeze that refused to follow the symmetry of Pyongyang’s plan.
In graffiti sprayed across a forgotten general’s boot.

It was not the stone that spoke.
It was the echo—of lives, of memories, of disruptions.

And so I write this Atlas not as a map of architecture,
but as a record of disobedient spaces.
Not as a blueprint for monuments,
but as a score for unscripted acts.

Let this be a book of incomplete squares.
Let it end with a bench, not a statue.
Let there be space not for truth, but for telling.
Not for permanence, but for presence.

Let us build not stages of power, but spaces of presence.
Not for consensus—but for conversation.
Not for history—but for memory.



“And when the stone forgets, the footsteps remember.”






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